Francavilla Marittima: a contextual analysis of men’s burials in the necropolis of Macchiabate (9th-6th century BC)

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Francavilla Marittima: a contextual analysis of men’s burials in the necropolis of Macchiabate (9th-6th century BC)

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    Francavilla Marittima: a contextual analysis of men’s burials in the necropolis of Macchiabate (9th-6th century BC) Claudia Speciale Università del Salento, Scuola di Specializzazione in Beni archeologici, Lecce, Italia Introduction This work is the result of a research carried out within the course of Italian Protohistory at the Scuola di Specializzazione  in Beni Archeologici of the Università del Salento  (Lecce), held by professor Anna Maria Bietti Sestieri. A group of five students (Elisa Cella, Eugenio Di Valerio, Natale Novellis, Clara Tamburrino, and the author) studied some of the most important Early Iron Age funerary contexts from Southern Italy; our aim was to analyze  ritual aspects and the varying degrees of complexity of the Iron Age cemeteries , mostly to understand cultural and social dynamics of the communities who adopted either the ritual of cremation, or of inhumation. As regards inhumation , we selected five funerary contexts, focusing on both features specific of each cemetery, and features concerning the whole of Southern Italy. To this end, we made use of an analytical and contextual approach in order to identify gender and age specific combinations of grave goods, and possibly horizontal and vertical roles; in the case examined in this  paper, Francavilla Marittima, it was necessary to combine a synchronic perspective, aimed at reconstructing the complex social outline of contemporary groups, as well as an overall diachronic insight, in order to identify significant steps marking the development of the community through atime span of over three centuries 1 . The main focus of the present work is on male burials and their connection to kinship groups. Localization The site of Francavilla is located in Northern Calabria, in the district of Cosenza. The site is 10 km North-West of Sibari , on the Southeastern boundary of Parco del Pollino. The necropolis of Macchiabate is a low marine terrace on the southeastern slopes of Timpone della Motta, where there is the Sanctuary, and of the Plateaux (fig.1A). During the construction of the Strada Statale 105 some groups of tombs were destroyed. Paola Zancani Montuoro identified five main groups of graves at Macchiabate, plus some sporadic artefacts from destroyed funerary contexts in Zona Sacco Grande. The Debate on Relative Chronology The analysis of the Temparella mound relies mainly on the work by Marianne Kleibrink  ; her revision is based on topographical and stratigraphical data, supported by observations on local and imported goods. The mound is considered to be chronologically parallel to the phases identified in the sanctuary. Kleibrink (2004) identified seven phases, datimg from the end of the tenth to the 1  As methodological approach, the main reference is Bietti Sestieri 2008. mid-sixth century (re-named A, B, C, D, E, F, G) 2  and divided them by family groups (for example C1, C2, C3, etc.) following their topographical situation. Her chronological sequence is quite different from those  proposed by Zancani Montuoro and de la Genière 3 , especially as regards the tombs attributed to the central  phases. New chronological perspectives have been  proposed by the team of Università   La Sapienza , especially by Quondam (2009); his conclusions are,  based on an accurate knowledge of the outfits, and specifically on the chrono-tipological classification of the  fibulae , as well as on the analysis of imported and Oenotrian painted pottery. Some marked differences from Kleibrink’s chronological framework depend mainly on different views  of the colonial phenomenon 4 . The main disagreement concerns Kleibrink’s intermediate phases 5 . I n Kleibrink’s reconstruction, there is a sequence without interruption, although during  phases D, E and F  –   seventh c. BC  –   the cemetery underwent a sharp decrease in the number of burials; moreover, from C phase, the tombs concentrated almost exclusively on the Temparella mound. Finally, de La Genière  had already questioned the existence of the so- called “Ceramico” (  Kerameikos ) which according to Zancani Montuoro (1983: 9-12) should have preceded the necropolis. Kleibrink rules out this hypothesis, and identifies some of the structures, which had been previously thought to be the remains of huts, as partition walls  between the groups of tumuli 6 . Extension of the Necropolis The cemetery extends over an area of about 22 hectares. The ca. 150 identified so far are organized by clusters: 93 at Temparella 7 , 13 at Cerchio Reale, one in Zona Cima, another one called Tomba Strada, 16 in 2   Generation “H” is cited, even if there wouldn’t be any funeral deposition (Kleibrink 2004: 568). 3   De La Genière drew some chronological conclusions for the most part shared by the digger (de La Genière 1994, n.1): the digger usually indicates only the century, while de La Genière mostly points out the thirty years or quarter century.   4  For some good examples in references of the two main schools, see Vanzetti 2009, p.179 and nn.4, 66. 5  But not only: i.e., T57 is attributed to the first generation by Kleibrink and to IFe2B2 (as a third “phase”  of the necropolis) by Quondam. 6  From now on, tombs will be named, as in Quondam 2009, with the letter or the first two letters of the group they belong to (T=Temparella, U=Uliveto, V=Vigneto, CR=Circolo Reale) plus a number or only a letter if they belong to Lettere; the srcinal numbers of Zancani Montuoro were respected, except for the four-bodies T26, whose outfit attribution and chronology has been redefined by de La Genière, 1994: 159. 7  93 are the inventory numbers attributed by Zancani Montuoro, but the effective number of the deceased is higher, because there are double depositions (i.e. T76A e B), triple ones (i.e.T61+T62 A, B e C) and the depositions inside  pithos  (i.e. 18 and 18bis).      Uliveto, 7 in Zona Vigneto and finally 9 in zona Lettere (fig.1B). The new excavations indicated that in general the potential is still very high: at Temparella the tombs identified are ca. 50% of the total . The other groups are smaller, seven to sixteen graves in each cluster  8 . Tomb Structures 9   The earliest tombs are covered by a circular or, more frequently, oval tumulus 10 , made from large flat  pebbles arranged to form a more or less elongated dome-shaped structure. 11 . Beneath the mound, the deceased were laid longitudinally over a sand layer  12 . The prevailing orientation is North-West/South-East, especially in the Temparella group, but also in Uliveto, Vigneto and Tomba Strada. In the Circolo Reale and Lettere groups the  tumuli are less elongated in shape, ca. 2-4m long and 1.5-2.5 m wide, and do not seem to follow a uniform orientation. Some comparatively large tumuli  belong to the earliest  phases, e.g. CR  α  is 7,5 m in diameter, CR1, V7, T41 and T60, are longer than 4 and wider than 3 m; the largest one at Temparella, T87, is a male burial, with the richest funerary outfit of its kind in the cemetery, which includes a sword. In the Temparella  group, there is a decrease in the use of tumuli  from phase C; during phase D different tomb structures and rituals coexist: next to the last tumuli  there are the first fossa   graves  (T79, T80, T89 e T90) and some cremations (T91). Cremation is occasionally practiced at Temparella (phase F, T46; phase G T31). During  phases E, F and G, there are only inhumations in  fossa  graves 13 , first in the areas unoccupied by the tumuli  and later, during phase G, dug into the first generation tumuli 14 . The Uliveto area is used during the first generation and the final phases of Temparella; there is a gradual transition from tumuli  to  fossa  graves; tumulus  tombs would be U8 and U9, which correspond to Temparella phases D/E, while U4 and U14, with 8  According to Kleibrink, Zancani Montuoro arrived to explore the 10% of the total (Kleibrink 2004: 558). 9  Where it is not specified, for all the references to tombs T1 to T54 in Temparella, see Zancani Montuoro, 1983; for the tombs T55 to T93 see Zancani Montuoro, 1984; for the tombd T60, T69 and T87 see Zancani Montuoro 1977; for the tombs of the other groups, see Zancani Montuoro 1980. 10  Some authors prefer to call them “a cumulo”   (“heap shaped”) (Ferranti, Quondam 2006: 593). 11   It’s thank to this regular technique  that it was  possible to identify the overlap and the intersection of the tumuli, i.e.  T7 and T8, T69 and T70, T88 and T93. 12  The so-called Tomba Strada is an exception for the  presence of a plan of laying stones, the same as CR  α , T60, T88, U16 and the new Tomba Strada 2 (Guggisberg 2010: fig.4).   13  The only exception would be the E phase girl grave T72, with heap covering stones. 14  The most significant examples are the several  fossa  graves obtained on T40 and T53. “colonial” outfits , are almost certainly  fossa  graves dug into the older tumuli . Anthropological Data and some Ritual Features Unfortunately, sex determination  through anthropological analysis is lacking; this is obviously a critical bias that cannot be overcome. Gender identification is based primarily on the observations  made by Zancani Montuoro during the excavation; she describes the position and dimensions of the bones, sometimes proposing sex determinations  based on the observation of the pelvic bones or the general proportions of the body 15 ; when the osteological remains are well preserved, the description of the funerary outfit is accompanied by a drawing  (a total of 26) including both the skeleton and the grave-goods. However, despite the great attention in the observation of the skeletons, sex is mostly attributed through the outfits 16 . As regards age   determination , Zancani Montuoro based it not only on the outfits but also on the relative proportions of the body 17 , pit and tumuli . Moreover, she thought that the situation of the  body within the grave was gender specific: men were generally laid on the right side, women on the left. Actually, when it is possible to establish the position of the body, it seems that there is not a systematic difference, although the right side is more frequent in male burials and the left one prevails in female tombs: 12 women and 4 men were laid on their left side 18 , 12 women and 9 men 19 on the right side. The supine position  of the body is traditionally considered as a ritual feature of Greek srcin, and is very common from phase E on 20 . Multiple burial in the same tomb is very rare: at Temparella only T76 (two women) and T61/T62 (a man, a woman and probably a child) are undoubtedly contemporary; in T4 the time span  between the two women ’s burials  was probably very short; the relative chronology of the burials from T26 is rather uncertain: according to de la Genière, the four  burials have been laid in a sequence. In the Circolo Reale, CR11 and CR13 contained respectively a woman and a child. Tomb V5 probably contained a man and a child. In tomb G, there were a man in “stretched position” and a woman in fetal position; 15  She makes interesting anthropological observations also on   T4, T86, U1. 16  For some tombs, Zancani Montuoro used the aid of the Anthropologists at Università di Pisa: T16; T24; T25; not realized yet when published the results on T40; for the teeth of CR13 she asked the help of an odontologist. 17  The little phalanxes inside the bronze rings or spirals (i.e. CR5, V4, T2) or small teeth (i.e. CR13, T2). 18  F. tombs: G, T8, T16, T22, T57, T62, T63, T67, T82, maybe T4, T27, T62 ; m. tombs : U9, T61, T70, maybe T53. 19  F. tombs : U2, U16, V3, T2, T39, T60 and T76A and B, maybe I, T1, T13 and T59 ; m. tombs: F, T23A, T40, T41, T87, maybe T85, V1, V5 and V7. 20  There is only a few exceptions before: T40 (A  phase), T86 (B phase), U1 and T27 (C phase).     probably the male burial is later, and dates from the “colonial”  phase. Pottery  is a very common component of the funerary outfits. Although Zancani Montuoro identifies the deposition near the feet as an “archaic” feature, and indicates the one near the head as an anomaly for the first phases, actually it is not possible to confirm that there is a chronological difference between the two uses 21 . Gendering the Tombs 22   Apparently, female burials are more numerous than male ones (tab.2); however, this might be partly due to the scarcity of unquestionable gender indicators for men. Non-gendered burials are rather frequent, especially during phases F and G . The pretty regular associations  in outfits and the low number of multiple depositions allowed the digger and new revisers to agree at least in sex and age determinations in the majority of the cases 23 . From a typological and functional point of view, vessels  in male burials are not particularly indicative. A pithos  24  (T80,   U9, U13) or two (V5) could be inserted in the covering stones of the tomb or put inside the grave (T87, V7); sometimes there was a small  pithos  on the tomb and another one as part of the funerary outfit inside ( T61, T70) ;  usually the external  pithos  is on the head side (de La Genière 1994: 155), while when inside it is near the feet; in this specific case, it is  possible that it had the same function of the olla . Isolated  pithoi  in the cemetery are now interpreted as enchytrismoi 25 , while their presence just outside the tombs might indicate that they were used as funerary  sema (Peroni 1987, 124) and possibly for libations 26 . It is important to point out that the pithos is also found in association to female burials, both inside and out of the grave; it should then be considered as a  status  marker, which is present in burials with rich outfits. Olla   and cup  are indeed the most common ceramic association in men ’s  graves, but even in this case they 21  Phases A/C : in T1, T2, T4, T17, T39, T57, T61B, T76A and B, T88, pottery is near the head; in T3, T15, T16, T20, T40, T41, T59, T60, T66, T67, T69, T70, T78, T81, T82, T84, T85, T86, G, pottery is near the feet. So, there is a primacy in the deposition near the feet, but the other disposition is not an exception. 22  Table 1 summarize all the men outfit associations, while figures 2-3 show the pictures of all the elements. 23  As an analysis of tomb groups, Tomba Strada was not considered, even if during the excavations in 2009 other two tombs were identified, demonstrating that the tomb was not isolated (Guggisberg 2010). 24   For pottery, Zancani Montuoro’s terminology is accepted in the main cases. 25  Zancani Montuoro considered the ones closed with “frammenti di ceramica grezza” (“raw potsherds”) as vessels for conservation relevant to the “Ceramico”  phase (i.e. T16bis, T17bis, T18bis, T55bis). 26  i.e. there is a cup inside the  pithos  in T61, as in the one in T70. are not gender specific; the cup is never associated with other small vessels for individual consumption, except for the single handled bowl ; even if it is not exclusive to men, this vessel is mainly in male burials, sometimes associated with the  pithos . A kantharos    is present only in the two richest male tombs (T87, V7) during phase C. Apart from a few exceptions, such as U13 and  possibly T80 and T25, the pitcher  is a typical female vessel.  Aryballoi , kotylai , kylikes , oinochoai, hydriae, amphoriskoi   don’t seem to be gender specific, and  ppear both in male and female outfits from phase D on, but especially during phases F and G. Although askoi  27   were principally given to children, it is possible to find them in adult s’  burials: two possibly male  burials, T20 and U13, and two rather certainly male  burials T79 and V5 one or two askoi ; T80 maybe contained an askos  too. As regards metal objects , the most common weapon is the iron spearhead. The specimens from this cemetery apparently are all rather large, and therefore may be identified as spearhead rather than javelinsa; the only exceptions could be the T46 one, where the spearhead has a much longer socket compared to the head; and  possibly the weapon from T79, described as “giavellotto” by Zancani Montuoro for its lightness and the tight socket, which could only contain a thin stick and was therefore more suitable as a javeline, even if the blade is quite long. Apart from the weapon from U5, with a cylindrical tang, all the other spearheads have a socket usually quite elongated; during phases B and C they have a very long blade and a foliate outline (“olive tree leaf”) especially the one from U5 ; during  phases D and E, the outline is almost oval and the point  becomes sharper; the shape of the blade is the same for the javelin from T46 (phase F). The sword from T87,  probably the only one from Macchiabate, has a bronze and ivory hilt and two iron elements on the sides,  probably srcinally attached to a sheath made of  perishable material 28 . In CrAlpha, one of the iron object is defined as dagger , but it could be as well another tool (maybe a knife). A total of five iron axes  with oval shaft-hole (“a occhio”) date from phases B, C and D; as pointed out by Quondam and Ferranti, the so- called “ shovels ” (T41, T79, V7) are better identified as tang axes (Ferranti, Quondam 2006: 593), always associated with the spearhead and, in the first two cases, with the axe. S ickles , chisels  and other un-identified tools  are quite often set in male burials from  phase A to phase D. A unique bronze object called “ zoma ” (“thong”) is placed inside T40 and was  probably worn by the man buried. Some bronze/iron objects are not gender marker  s but they’re often in male tombs: the knife    –   smaller during phases A and B 27  Sometimes it is difficult to understand the distinction made by Zancani Montuoro between askos  and the askos -pitcher  , so they’re here considered all as askoi . 28   It is accordingly defined sword by the digger and in Pacciarelli 2004, 461 and Ferrante, Quondam 2006, 593; examining the pictures, the blade looks with two cut edges (Zancani Montuoro 1977, tavv.XXX-XXXI).     phases, while their size increases during phases C and D 29 ; bronze vessels , placed in adult tombs (men: T70, T87, T79, U9) during phases C and D; personal ornaments , as the s erpentine   fibula , almost the only kind of fibula from male burials 30 , but they’re as well quite common in female burials (e.g. T60); finally,  bronze and iron rings , little spirals  and little pendants , rarely attested in men tombs,and more often associated with female outfits. A Diachronic Sight of Men ’s  Outfits and Groups 31   As already underlined before, the necropolis is divided into some groups , belonging to different phases; in order to study the representation of the male gender, it was necessary to analyze all the male burials from Macchiabate and elaborate thei relative chronology and the phases of deposition for all the groups out of Temparella; the same letters have been used to define them. T40 and T53 are two of the three phase A  tombs, considered from Kleibrink as “ founders ’ ’” graves. The man from T40 had no weapons, but a knife and the  zoma ; T53 had no outfit, so its gender is not certain; finally T57 is a female burial. The so-called CRAlpha, one of the first tombs dug by Zancani Montuoro, and CR1 could probably go back to the same generations; it is not possible to say if it was a real tomb or a cenotaph, as the archaeologist defined it; in the first case, the buried man ’s outfit  would include a chisel, an axe, another tool and some rings; CR1, with an olla, a cup, a knife and a serpentine fibula, is the only other male tomb; they’re in a quite isolated position, not far from the group of women and children on the eastern side and on the sides of the rich female tomb CR13. During phase B , at Temparella there are two men with weapons: T41 and T62. T41 is a tomb with an outfit extremely rich in iron objects  –   not only the spearhead  but also two axes and the tools; at least 11 serpentine fibulae decorated the man ’s clothes ; its tomb is in a central position, within group B1.1, also including women ’s  and children ’s  tombs and the man without weapons in T23A; this last tomb was re-opened during the latest phases of the cemetery, in order to bury the woman T23B 32 . T61-T62 is a double tomb: the male  burial has a spearhead and a knife  –   the female one has a knife too; it belongs to phase B2 33 . T85 is the only male burial from group B1.4; the outfit is 29  During D phase, a knife is attested only in the female tomb T8. 30  The only exception is the dragon fibula in U5, while the twisted long-foot fibula in U9 probably is of a woman; the iron circle in V7 could be a fibula of an un-identified kind. 31  The main referring figures are 4 and 5. 32  The derangement of the outfit is confirmed by the offering of new objects next to the old buried. 33  T20 could be the only male tomb of B1.2 group, maybe double if we consider the presence of both child and adult elements; but it could be as well a woman/child tomb. composed only by pottery and two serpentine  fibulae . In the other areas of Macchiabate, U12, U13 and F can  be connected to the same phases. While U12 is definitely a male tomb, whose outfit is composed by an axe and a spearhead, U13 has an unusual association of objects: one or two  pithoi  on the tumulus , an askos , a  pitcher and a clay “bell”, identified as an object to  fire  pottery 34 . Finally, F is the only male tomb in the Lettere group, buried with pottery, a sickle and another small tool. During phase C  at Temparella there are only 2 male  burials, both with rich outfits: T70 has a  pithos , a cup, a single-handled bowl, a bronze  phiale , a spearhead, an axe and three serpentine  fibulae ; all around this tomb, there are children and women graves 35 . T87, despite the location at the foot of the hill, was extremely rich: a  pithos , a kantharos , a single-handled bowl, two bronze  bowls, a big knife, a sword, an axe and 4 serpentine fibulae. The other area in use is Vigneto, with three male tombs: V7, with an outfit very similar to that of T87, but instead of the sword there is a large spearhead; knife and  pithos  here are missing. V5 is  probably double, with two askoi , a single-handled  bowl, a cup, and iron tools. If V1 is a male tomb, his outfit is very poor. The number of men and women in this group is quite equilibrate and the disposition of tombs has no particular features. In Uliveto area U5 contained an olla , a spearhead, a unique bowl and a dragon  fibula . T79 is the only certainly male burial during phase D : it has an olla , an askos , 3 kotylai, an axe and a hatchet, another iron tool, a triple chain of rings were buried with the dead;   T80 is next to T79 and only pottery was  placed inside the tomb. They’re at the foot of the tempa  as T87, but are se far apart from female and children ’s  tombs of the same phase. During phase E  atTemparella there is only a man buried into a small tumulus  (T25), recognizable by the presence of a spearhead beyond the  pottery vessels; U9 is considered by Zancani Montuoro to be a male tomb, but it could be of a woman (as the long-foot fibula suggests). Phase F  is characterized by an incineration of a man with a spearhead (T46) and maybe an inhumation with only an aryballos  (T47),  both of F1 group on the top of the hill. Finally, tombs during phase G   don’t contain any weapons, and the pottery is not gender specific;  probably one of the burials from T26, is of a a man. In Uliveto, maybe U9 and U14 can be considered male graves. Conclusions This is only the first stage in the analysis of men’s outfits in Macchiabate and the complexity of the context needs with no doubt a deeper analysis. 34  The low grade of documentation about this zone and the chronology, only hypothetically a dvanced, don’t allow to make reliable observations about the existence of groups in this area. 35  T69, next to it, is one of the richest female tomb of the necropolis.    It is however possible to identify different family groups including male burials, at least until phase C, as indicated primarily by the relative position of the tumuli ; groups are not detectable in the areas of Vigneto and in Uliveto areas. Men ’s  tombs have a low level of characterization during the whole use of the necropolis  of Macchiabate. The specific gender markers are only weapons and tools; during phases A and B male burials are both with or without weapons; spearheads and axes are the weapons in use, often associated with tools; a real division in roles is probably lacking and differences  between groups attributes are not stressed. Phase C tombs are less than the previous phase, but their outfits  become richer; the same phenomenon concerns female tombs; T87 is probably the only one with a sword and a large knife as well; spearheads are systematically associated with an axe. From phase E on, weapons start to decrease, probably only one javelin for each phase. Another feature to think about is the presence of “different” o utfits as those in U5 and U13, characterized by the deposition of specific objects. The number of personal ornaments is extremely low and the percentage of imported goods during phases C and D is almost insignificant if compared to those from women ’s  and girls ’ outfit s. Moreover, at least until  phase F male outfits are overall quite conservative in a diachronic perspective, while female tombs seem more open to changes. Acknowledgements I really want to thank Elisa Cella for her moral support and prof.ssa Anna Maria Bietti Sestieri for her invaluable suggestions and for helping me out with my  bad English. References Bietti Sestieri, A. M. (2008),  Domi mansit, lanam fecit  : Was That All? Women’s Social Status and  Roles in the Early Latial Communities (11th  –  9th Centuries  bc),  JMA  21.1, 133-159. Ferranti, F., Quondam, F. (2006), La prima età del Ferro in Sibaritide: una rassegna delle sepolture. IN Studi   in onore di Renato Peroni , Roma, All’insegna del Giglio, 590-601. Guggisberg, M. A. (2010), Relazione 2009. Scavi archeologici nella necropoli di Macchiabate presso Francavilla Marittima (CS), Web Site: http://www.ifap- gia.nl/Upload//relazione%202009%20Guggisberg.pd  f   Kleibrink, M. (2003),  Dalla lana all’acqua. Culto e identità nel santuario di Atena a Lagaria,  Francavilla Marittima (zona di Sibari, Calabria) , Rossano, Grafosud. Kleibrink, M. (2004), Aristocratic tombs and dwellings of the VIIIth century b.C. at Francavilla Marittima. IN  Preistoria e Protostoria della Calabria, Atti della 37a RScIIPP  , vol.2, 557-585. La Genière, J. de (1994) , L’example de Francavilla Marittima. La nècropole de Macchiabate, secteur de la Temparella. Nécropoles et sociétés antiques. Grèce, Italie, Languedoc , Atti del colloquio (Lille 1991), 153-163. Pacciarelli, M. (2004), La prima età del Ferro in Calabria. IN  Preistoria e Protostoria della Calabria , Atti della 37a RScIIPP, vol. 2, 447-475. Peroni, R. (1987), La protostoria. IN Settis, S., ed., Storia della Calabria  1, Roma/Reggio Calabria, Gangemi Editore, 65-136. Quondam F. (2009), La necropoli di Francavilla Marittima: tra mondo indigeno e colonizzazione greca. IN Bettelli, M., De Faveri, C., Osanna, M. eds.,  Prima delle colonie. Organizzazione territoriale e produzioni ceramiche specializzate in Basilicata e in calabria settentrionale ionica nella prima età del  Ferro , Matera, Osanna Edizioni, 139-178. Vanzetti, A. (2009) , Notazioni sulla fine dell’età del ferro precoloniale nella piana di Sibari, in  Prima delle colonie , op. cit., 179-202. Zancani Montuoro, P. (1972), Necropoli di Macchiabate, Coppa di bronzo sbalzata,  Atti e  Memorie della Società Magna Grecia , n.s. 11-12, 1970-1971, 9-33. Zancani Montuoro, P. (1977), I. Tre notabili enotri d ell’VIII secolo a.C.; II. Dischi Compositi; III. La leggenda di Epeo,  Atti e Memorie della Società  Magna Grecia , n.s. 15-17, 1974-1976, 10-106. Zancani Montuoro, P. (1980), Francavilla Marittima,  Necropoli di Macchiabate. Saggi e scoperte in zone varie,  Atti e Memorie della società Magna Grecia , n.s. 19-20, 1977-1979, 7-91. Zancani Montuoro, P. (1983), Francavilla Marittima a)Necropoli e ceramico a Macchiabate zona T (Temparella),  Atti e Memorie della Società Magna Grecia , n.s. 21-23, 1980-82, 7-130. Zancani Montuoro, P. (1984), Francavilla Marittima,  Necropoli di Macchiabate zona T (Temparella, continuazione),  Atti e Memorie della Società Magna Grecia , n.s. 24-25, 1983-1984, 7-110.
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