‘Church Bells and Street Fighting: Birkirkara and Don Joannes Matteo Camilleri (1545 – 57)’

‘Church Bells and Street Fighting: Birkirkara and Don Joannes Matteo Camilleri (1545 – 57)’

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  Emanuel  Buttigieg Church Bells and Street Fighting Birkirkara and Don Joannes Matheo Camilleri (1545-57) 1 In  a  country with  a  deep-rooted Catholicism such  as  Malta, cases and stories about  the  'misbehaviour'  of   priests and clerics have always attracted the attention of one and all. One of G. Wettinger's most widely read works is in fact  a  paper on clerical concubinage between 1420 and 1550  2  not least because  of   the on-going debate  in  Catholic countries as  to  whether   or   not Catholic priests should  be  allowed  to  marry. 3  In late medieval and sixteenth-century Europe the clerical estate extended far beyond those  in  priestly orders and contained  a  vast underbelly  of men who were technically clerics, but who  in  effect lived  as  laymen. The effect of this was severely to blur the line which in theory separated the clerical estate from the rest of society  4  In this vein, the unfolding  of Joannes Matheo Camilleri's life presents  a  clear-cut example  of   those  j practices which the Tridentine Church would  be  vigoursly addressing from the second half of the sixteenth century. While extensive  use has  been made  of   notarial acts  for   the) reconstruction  of   late medieval aspects  of   life, their use for the Early Modern period has  so  far been limited. Preference has usually been accorded  to  the Inquisitorial Records.  In an  attempt to depart from the main stream, this case study has taken  as  its backbone sources from the notarial records  of   Notaries Juliano Muscat, Giuseppe Deguevara, Antonio Cassar,  and  Placido Abela. Naturally, this does  not  mean exclusivity and the information obtained  is  complemented  by  a  case from the Archbishop's Court, and another case from the Archives  of the Inquisition. The cardinal point about notarial acts  is  that they were essentially private records. Although the notary was  a  public  figure  of great weight in society, his records were intimately private. Every act was the result of the coming together of different parties in front of the notary The  holder of   a  first class honours degree  in  History, Emanuel Buttigieg is now  a  Principal  at  the Office  of   the Prime Minister, Valletta;  he is reading for an M.A.  on  aspects  of   childhood  in  early modern Malta. Emanuel  Buttigieg - Church  Bells  and Street Fighting  35 sometimes because  it  was stipulated  by  the law, but often voluntarily to record some aspect  of   their daily lives. 5  Among the first duties  of nil notaries was  to  listen diligently. The notarial acts, written  in  Latin  do ''  m  proximity  to  the mother tongue, but they gain  in  proximity to'the "•membered experience of the individual, with all its specificity. 6  That  is why greater attention should be given  to  notarial records as sources for Hit;  reconstruction of social patterns  in  Early Modern Malta.  A Contested Accession On  12  February 1545, the Noble Nicola Camilleri, father and nlministrator   of   the Noble Cleric (not yet  a  priest) Joannes Matheo 1  umilleri, presented to the Venerable Brandano De Caxaro, Apostolic ' ,l  ir  y>  an Apostolic Bull  to be  presented  to  the Reverend Matheo  de Surdo  to  execute. Through this document Joannes Matheo Camilleri w, is  to  obtain the curateship  of   the parish  of   St. Helena and St. Mary • J Birkirkara. Nicola Camilleri also wanted Brandano  to  present the Hull  to  Bishop Cubelles and read  it  to  him  (notificare  et  legere dictas Dallas  apostolicas  Rev. Don.  episcopo melivetano).  In a  separate '  M,, y  of   '^e same day, Brandano said that  he  would only read  the Hull  to  the Bishop  if   Nicola Camilleri did not find anyone else willing to  do it as he  respected the Bishop. Presumably Brandano must have  had  an  itching  of   the Itoubiesome career ahead of Joannes Matheo Camilleri and therefore wished  not  to  get too associated with him.  In  a  further separate entry ol the same day, Nicola Camilleri ordered Brandano  to  proceed  and irad  the  Bull  to  the Bishop.  He  told Brandano that  his  excuse was fnvolous  (responsione  cum  facta  ex quo  friviota),  and that,  as  both I  'ublic and Apostolic Notary,  it  was his duty  to  read out the Bull  to  the Bishop. 7 The following day,  13  February 1545, the Noble Nicola Camilleri filed another protest. This time  the  protest was addressed  to  the Reverend Matheo  de  Surdo, canon and official  of   the dioceses. Nicola '  .imilleri reproached Surdo  for   not executing the Bull  in  the face  of '  ^position by the Reverend Josepho Manduca, the Vicar-General of the fioceses. The following day, on the 14 February 1545, Matheo de Surdo nd that he would obey and execute the Bull. 8 A  few  days later,  on 18  February 1545,  the  case  got  more •  omphcated.  A  new protest was filed, this time  by  the Reverend Matheo Surdo against the Reverend Laurentio  de  Caxaro, because the said  36  Storja  2003-2004 Laurentio  on the  orders  of   the Reverend Josepho Manduca,  was stopping him (Matheo) from executing the  Bull.  Surdo told Laurentio to stop interfering, but apparently, Laurentio kept  on  defying Matheo because two days later,  on 20  February 1545, Matheo filed another protest against Laurentio telling him not to interfere  in  the choice of the witnesses  9  Clearly, the lure of such an important office as that of curate of Casal Birchircara was attracting the attention and greed  of   different officials of the Curia. At this point we also witness the beginning of   a  lifelong enmity between Joannes Matheo Camilleri and the Vicar General of the Diocese, the Reverend Josepho Manduca. It  is to  be  noted that, while the mother figure was more  of a protector, fathers were often older, distant,  but  powerful figures who could  do'favours for their sons. Careers  in  the Church were an intrinsic part  of   the magnates' and bourgeoisie's search for social status and recognition. Thus  the  Noble Nicola Camilleri  got his  son, Joannes Matheo Camilleri, the profitable office of curate  of   Birkirkara. Before proceeding with this study  a  clarification ought  to be made. The exact post which was held  by  Joannes Matheo Camilleri is somewhat enigmatic.  In  the documentation analysed, Camilleri was alternatively  described  as  curate, rector and chaplain  of   Birkirkara.  On the other hand, Ferris 10  does not list Camilleri  as  one  of   Birkirkara's chaplains  -  in fact he doesn't mention him at all, while  Vella 11  describes him  as  chaplain from 1545  to  1557. For the sake  of   consistency, and because the Apostolic Bull specified the post  of   curate, this will  be  the title adhered to throughout this work. Rape and Scandal  at  Birkirkara At the end  of   the day, Joannes Matheo Camilleri  did  manage to become both  a  priest and rector   of   the parish  of   casal birchircara. He also had  a  son  by  the name  of   Ascanio. 12  The (now) Reverend Joannes Matheo Camilleri soon proved  to  be  a  fitting successor   to his predecessor, Don Joannes Pisano, who had been  accused  of   illicit relations with Agatha Spiteri  in  1542 and openly boasted  of   cuckolding more than ten  of   his parishioners  {haver facto cornutj  ultra  diechj person] dicta parrochis).  Don Joannes Pisano was  in  fact forced  to  resign from his post. 13  . . Between May and August 1553 the people  of   Birkirkara found themselves caught  up in  the crossfire between the Reverend Joannes Matheo Camilleri  and  presbiteru  Don Antonio Michallef. Reverend Emanuel  Buttigieg  - Church Bells and Street Fighting  37 Inannes Matheo Camilleri approached Notary Giuseppe Deguevara  to till  •  a  protest against Don Antonio Michallef and his behaviour during two •unday masses in the months of May and June.  According  to Reverend J< mnes Matheo Camilleri, Don Antonio Michallef had postponed divine <  'ivice  {ad  missam celebranda  ...  posiponendo divinj cultus)  and from Urn altar   he  had  accused  him (Camilleri)  of   having raped the daughter •  i  his maternal uncle, that is, his own cousin  {exponentem  de  stupro // >se  Reverendus  rector stupraverit filiaz  sui  patruj)  using such diabolical i  mguage  (dtabolis verbis)  that  he  scandalised the parishioners  (maximo mdalo  ipi  populj)  and  horrified  the  Chaplain  (Reverenduz  capellanuz til*  hornbat).  Don Antonio Michallef had therefore  accused  Reverend l< mnnes Matheo Camilleri of the double crime  of   rape and incest. i  The  Reverend Joannes Matheo Camilleri feared that  his iMditionai enemy, Don Josepho Manduca  -  who was  charged  with investigating the case  -  might  try to  sideline the accusations against I  ><>n  Antonio Michallef   (temere objectos silentio  no  pretermittere tenore quorelationis  et  lamentionis actus contra eusdem presbiteru domum •\ntoniu Michallef).  Reverend Joannes Matheo Camilleri felt adamant that Michallef had  accused  him  of   rape  (Infamia  de  stupro)  and that he had exposed his cousin  to  such infamy  (exponente  filiam  suj  patruii Miprasserit difiament).  The following day, Reverend Joannes Matheo 1  umilleri chose  the  Honourable Nicoio Haxixe  to  read  (Lecia  et dnclaram)  this protest  to  Don Antonio Michallef. 14 As far as the acts  of   Notary Deguevara are concerned, the story <  i  H  Is there, and we cannot say whether the accusation of rape was true or mere slander. However, this was not the only instance where the 1 1-  verend Joannes Matheo Camilleri had disputes with the ecclesiastical "ithorities and his parishioners. Church Bells and Street Fighting No sooner had the dust settled over the alleged rape case that (he people  of   Birkirkara once again found themselves the victims  of mother   of   Reverend Joannes Matheo Camilleri's quarrels this time with Magister Johannes de Arena. Camilleri was ordered by the Maltese i  piscopal Court  to  pay  de  Arena  10  uncie for the sale  of   a  bell  (unis cumpane)  together with  1  uncia  1  tareno and  4  grani expenses. Camilleri •  "fused to pay up and through his attorney Magister Luca  Vella 15  argued lhat this court order was null and void, since an appeal had been  lodged with the superior Metropolitan Church. 16  38  Storja  2003-2004 In the meantime, Reverend Joannes Matheo Camilleri reported that de Arena, with seven armed men  (manu armata)  violently forced the people  of   Birkirkara indebted towards Camilleri to pay him (de Arena) the Church taxes  of   first fruits  (premitie)  owed  to  Camilleri, smashing open doors  (buttandolj li porti),  robbing  them  of   goods including their bedcovers (// copri di lecti).  These Church taxes gathered  by  de Arena were however larger than the sum owed (and here we get an insight into the level  of some prices  in  1555),  as in  this island grain was sold  at 4  tareni  per tumino, barley  at 2  tareni  8  grani per tumino, and cotton  at 1  aquila per pesa. 17 Palermo Intervenes The Reverend Joannes Matheo Camilleri filed  a  protest against Don Jacobo Calleya who had sued Camilleri  in  the Episcopal Court causing  his  imprisonment (the first  of a  series  of   imprisonments). Reverend Joannes Matheo Camilleri argued that  he  had two sacks containing  2Y Z  cantari  of   spun cotton  in  his Birkirkara house which  he had sold  to  someone  in  Naples  (regno neapolis)  for 50 scudi per cantaro and  he  now  applied  for leave  to  let his attorney fetch the sacks  to  the buyer, which permission was denied. 18 The vexations  of   Reverend Joannes Matheo Camilleri did not fall on deaf ears. The Archbishop  of   Palermo, Don Petrus de Arragona  (sic) issued  a  decree  in  favour   of   Camilleri against the Bishop  of   Malta, and attacking the unfair behaviour   of   the Vicar General Josepho Manduca towards Camilleri, who has  placed  him  in  prison several times and had him interrogated  by  several priests  on  the Mass and his doctrine, thus forcing Camilleri  to  appeal  to  his Lordship. For this, he was put  in  irons (carcerati in cantenj)  and detained like an infamous criminal without any proof against him. The Metropolitan court ordered Reverend Joannes Matheo Camilleri  to be  released and, through  its  notary Vincenzio  Polizzi, agreed  to  Camilleri's request  to  have  all the  material relating  to Camilleri's case, including the information  on  the alleged rape, sent to the Metropolitan court.  At  first the Maltese Court refused  to  release Camilleri and even sent its steward  to  confiscate all the goods found in Cailleri's home, including the sacks of cotton and many other things. Eventually the Maltese Curia had  to let  Reverend Joannes Matheo Camilleri go, after five months  in  jail,  but  he  was still being impeded from leaving Malta. 19 immml mimm   -  is  ft  88  IP  EBB  mm mi nml   Fighting  39 Negligence and Protestant Influence? Notary Antonio Cassar, on behalf of the Reverend Joannes Matheo i  amilleri, after Mass, read out  to  his parishioners the list  of   accusations ihoy were hauling  at  him: •  People were dying without being administered last rites; •  Corpses were left  in  Church  for 2 or 3  days without permitting them  to  be buried; •  Being late  a  day or two  in  administering the sacraments  to the sick: •  Causing scandal  in  the way  in  which he exposed the host in  a  wooden box on  a  frame on the main altar   (una buxula de lingo supra ei scambello dilo cono diio  a/fare); •  Making Holy Oil himself; •  Telling his congregation that  it  was not  a  sin  to  eat fat, meat, eggs, cheese and cheeselets on the prohibited days citing  the gospel which says that not what enters from the 1  mouth pollutes man but what comes out of it. Reverend Joannes Matheo Camilleri naturally denied  all  these accusations  and he  left  the  island  to  pursue  his  case  in  Palermo, irquesting his parishioners  to  present proof   of   their claims  in  writing within ten days and  be  willing  to  appear   in  the Metropolitan Court  to make their accusations. 20 By the time the Knights  of   St. John disembarked  on  the shores of Malta  in  1530, the island's population had been streamlined into  a community with  an  overall homogenous character. With the expulsion of the Muslims  in  1249 and the expulsion  of   the Jews  in  1492,  the remaining community was,  to a  large extent, native  to  the island and Christian. Malta had  its  traditions and way  of   life  as is  evidenced  by the phrase  juxta usum  me//te, 21  however,  the  presence  of   the Knights in Malta now exposed  it to  Protestant influences and the fact that the Reverend Joannes Matheo Camilleri was questioned about his doctrine and was  accused  of   dismissing the days  of   prohibition, points  to a  real concern among the local hierarchy about Protestant infiltrations. 22 Murder  Most Horrid The animosity that had been growing between Reverend Joannes Matheo Camilleri, his parishioners and his fellow priests, finally spilled over in  a  bloodbath.  According  to Ascanio Camilleri, his father Reverend  40  Storja  2003-2004 i Joannes Matheo Camilleri was murdered  by  Don Jacobo Calleya and others one August night  in  1557. Ascanio found his father's  dead body upside-down  in a  well  (viddi  che  donno Matheo Camilleri  mio  padre qua  morto  dentro  lo  puzzo  co lo  capo  In giu\ et li  piedi  In su).  Ascanio Camilleri uttered these words as he gave witness in front of the Inquisitor and Apostolic Delegate Mgr. Pietro Dusina  on  12 April 1575,  18  years after the murder   of   his father. 23 The  testimony given  by  Ascanio Camilleri  is  fascinating  on  a number   of   levels. First  of   all,  it  is  fascinating  as  a  story, with its details, intrigues  and  violence. The story  of   Ascanio  is  made even more interesting  by  a  number   of   reported speeches which  we  are told were uttered  in  vulgar Maltese  (Udi io  tabarni 24  aia  maltese)  but which were unfortunately written down  in  Italian.  This  is Ascanio's description of that faithful night: My father and  I  were  in  bed.  I  was not yet asleep and  I  had a  little candle. The rooms were  at  the top  of   the stairway. I  heard noises  in  the house and Maltese being spoken  ... strangers had broken into the house.  I  heard them say  in Maltese, 'Come  on  let's kill this ass'. Then  I  heard again  in Maltese,  [ He has  a  son, and  if   he should hear or see us,  we have  to  kill him'. These words frightened and confused  me  $ until  I  was overtaken  by  sleep  ...  The next morning  I  was woken  up by  knocking  on  the door. When  I  went out onto the balcony  (I'apraco  ?)  I  saw Mastro Agostino Calleya who  1 upon seeing me went away satisfied  (sene  ando sodisfatto). I  began calling my father but was answered instead  by  one Monica, who took care  of   the lamp  in  the enclosure within the chapel. She said 'Go  to  the well  (lo  puzzo)  and you will find your father'. 25 Reverend Joannes Matheo Camilleri's life came  to an  end  in  a well.  He was  succeeded  by  Dun Giuseppe Bellia who,  according  to  Mgr. Dusina, had two concubines, one  of   whom lived  at  Birgu (Mgr. Dusina described  her as  una  grassa;  they must have had their liaisons  in  one of   a  number   of   properties which Bellia owned  in  Birgu). 26  With  her   he spent four days  of   the week  to  the detriment  of   his parish. 27  The story narrated  by  Ascanio had  a  strong dose  of   sadism  in  it:  thus, Mastro Agostino Calleya was satisfied  (sodisfatto)  to  have awoken the young Ascanio and caused him alarm about his father. Then there  is  Monica's EMMI  MtigB @B  - ilOTEli  mm mi   street Netting  41 black-humoured way of announcing to the young boy that his father was In the  well.  Near the end of the testimony Ascanio also reported how  he had been told how pleased  (comi compari piaciuto)  Don Jacobo Calleya was about the death  of   Reverend Joannes Matheo Camilleri. 28 In retelling such  an  account  of   bloodshed, which must have left sorrow, terror and regret in its wake,  I  found  I  was sometimes laughing. 29 Hut for the victims  in  such stories there must have been little  to  laugh about which leads to the second observation about this testimony which Is  related  to  its structure. Turning  a  terrible action  -  such as the murder til  one's father   -  into  a  story is  a  way to distance oneself from it, at worst a  form of self-deception, at best  a  way to pardon the self. 30  Ascanio must h;  ive  forever been haunted by  a  sense of guilt at not having lifted  a  finger to  help his father. Thirdly, such  a  case, taken together with what went  on  before, provides interesting particulars about small-island power setups.  On one side one finds the enemies  of   Reverend Joannes Matheo Camilleri: Bishop Cubelles and the Vicar General Manduca  on  a  diocese  level, Don Antonio Michallef, Don Jacobo Calleya and Dun Giuseppe Bellia on u  parish  level.  On the other, his supporters  included  his father, his son, and Archbishop Petrus de Arragona  of   Palermo. With  the local Church hierarchy  -  from the Bishop downwards  - tanged against Ascanio and his  dead  father, the young man  could  hope lor very little justice and understanding. Ascanio alleged that when the authorities  of   the Citta Vecchia went  to  Birkirkara, the Bishop ordered that the  body  of   his father   be  left  in  the  well.  Although Mastro Agostino i  Dleya  was  imprisoned, the Bishop  did  not hang him  (non li  fece  haver corda)  as  was expected  in  such cases. Moreover Ascanio also alleged that the Bishop had promised the rectorship  of   Birkirkara  to  the person who first brought him news of the demise  of   Reverend Joannes Matheo •milled. 31  In  such circumstances, and probably following his father's nxample,  it  seems only natural that Ascanio's last hope for justice  -  and venge  -  lay in the person of an outside authority like  Mgr.  Dusina, who was not involved  in  local power setups and networks. Conclusion Social relations wereextensive, variable, and constantly changing  32 Even  in  a  small island like Malta people lived their lives within different nodal settings which were nonetheless concurrent and overlapping. Hie people  of   mid-sixteenth century Malta were not  a  homogeneous  42  StOPja  2003-2004 mass,  but  individuals whose experience  of   life  was  influenced  by  many factors: their gender, wealth,  age,  marital  and  social status  and the  tv D e of community  in  which they lived. 33  The  essentially private nature  of notarial acts helps  to  highlight  all  of   these aspects  in  a  very intimate way.  The  lives, actions  and  interactions analysed  in  this case-study show  the  existence  of   a  vibrant popular culture  in  mid-sixteenth-century Malta,  existing outside  the  limelight  of   the  histoire evenementielle Furet argued that  the  only  way  to  reintegrate  the  masses into history  was through demography  and  sociology, through numbers  and  anonymity However   as  Ginzburg argued,  the  characteristics  of   particular social strata within  a  specific time-frame  can be  discerned  in  the  typical  or   a¬ typical behaviour   of   individuals handpicked from  the  masses  34  | n  this vein,  the  case study  of   Joannes Matheo Camilleri encapsulates  a  whole son,  notary  and  client, lower clergy  and  higher clergy,  and  priests  and  parishioners. These formed Malta determined  the  pattern  of   daily life  in  pre-Tridentine This  paper does  not  want  to  give  the  impression that clerical squabbling  and  concubinage were restricted  to  Birkirkara Similar patterns existed throughout  the  island  and  in  other Catholic lands  35 However, such  an  example from  the  clergy  as  that  of   Joannes Matheo uamillen must have caused great annoyance among  the  laity With  the advent  of   the  Inquisition, Malta  was  to  enter   the  main currents  of   the SQTTT^D 3110 "'^ 6 -  DUN  GIUSE PP E  Bellia  was  to be  followed  in n  L  r i  r<°  B ° r  F'  described  as ona  of   the  first great products of   the  Counter-Reformation  in  Malta.  For the  first time  in  a  century Birkirkara  had  a  rector   who was  celibate. 37 Notes 1  This paper   is an  expanded version  of   the  case study about Joannes Matheo Camilleri found  in E.  Buttigieg,  Fifteen  Years  Into Hospitaller Rule:  A Study of the  Acts  of Notary Juliano Muscat, 1545  (B  A  Hons University  of   Malta, 2002),  68  -  71.  '  1  ' 2  G DS tin ^  ' Concubinage  amon 9  the  Cler  9y  of   Malta  and  Gozo ?2™  iA ««  'J?  Journ f  lofthe  Faculty of Arts,  vol. vi, no.  4,  (Malta, o5v?'J,  E ~  88 '  Dunng  3  lecture  at  the  Uni versity  of   Malta  on 25  April 2002,  Wettinger said  he  believed that  his  paper   on  clerical concubinage was  the  most widely read  of his  works. 3  M.  Laven, 'Sex  And  Celibacy  in  Early Modern Venice'  in  The Emanuel Buttigieg  •  SBepsii Bells  ami  Btpeet HgMUg  43 Historical Journal,  vol. 44, no.  4,  (Cambridge, 2001),  866. 4  J  Bergin 'Between estate  and  profession:  the  Catholic parish clergy  of   early modern western Europe',  in M. L.  Bush (ed.),  Social Orders  and  Social  Classes  in  Europe  since  1500:  Studies  in  Social Stratification,  (London  and New  York, 1992),  68-9. 3  C  Violante,  Atti Privati  e  Storia Medievale, Problemi di Metodo, [Fonti e  Studi del  Corpus  membranarum italicarum],  (Rome 1982). Note Vioiante's emphasis  on the  private nature  of   notarial records  in the  very title  of   his  work.  c-, . r  >  N.  Zemon-Davis,  Fiction in the  Archives  -  Pardon  Tales  and their   Tellers in Sixteenth Century  France,  (USA,  1987),  22.  t  D , 7C , < Notarial] Archives] Valletta]  [=  NAV],  Notary Juliano Muscat, R376/ 11,f.508-509v., (12.ii.1545).  . .g 3  NAV  Notary Juliano Muscat,  R376/11.,  509v.-510v„  (13.ii.1545). 9  NAV  Notary Juliano Muscat,  R376/11,  f.517-f.518, (18.ii.1545)  1°  A  Ferris,  Descrizione Storica delle  Chiese  di  Malta  e  Gozo,  (Malta, 1866),  [Facsimile  Ed.,  1985),  319. n  E.B.  Vella,  Storja ta' Birkirkara bil-Kollegjata Taghha,  (Malta, 1934), ^Wettinger, 'Concubinage among  the  Clergy  of   Malta  and  Gozo  169 13  C[uriae] E[piscopalis] M[elitansae]  [=  CEM],  A[cta]  0[nginalia]  [-AO], Ms22,  f.120, (13.xii.1542).  ,™ X xn,o  •  - ' 4  NAV  Notary Giuseppe Deguevara,  R778/1,  f.39-f.40,  (3.  V I I I .1555). is  NAV  Notary Antonio Cassar,  R160/1,  601v.-f.602, (9.vin.1555). ie  NAV  Notary Antonio Cassar,  R160/1,  f.602-f.604, (9.vm.1555). 1  7  NAV  Notary Antonio Cassar, R160/2, 172v.-f.174,  (4  . X I .1555) 18  NAV  Notary Antonio Cassar,  R160/1,  f.614-f,615,  (12. V I I I .1  555). 19  NAV  Notary Antonio Cassar, R160/2, f.273-f.278, (14.L1556) 20  NAV  Notary Antonio Cassar, R160/2,  381v.-382v„  (6.iv.1556). 21  NAV  Notary Juliano Muscat,  R376/11,  f.611v., (19.iii.1545). 22  c.  Cassar,  'The  Reformation  and  Sixteenth-Century Malta  , in  Melita Historica,  vol.  x,  no. 1,  (Malta, 1988),  52. 2 3  Archives  of   the]  Inquisition] M[alta]  [=  AIM], Processi  IA,  Contra donnum Jacobum Calliam', f.297- f.300, (12.iv.1575). 24  V.  Nicotru  Dizionario Siciliano-ltaliano,  (Catania, 1883),  p.  835, Tabarni  is an  adaptation  of   the  Sicilian adjective Tabariatu. Lingua tabarna means vulgar   or   heavy language. 25  AIM.  Processi  IA,  Contra donnum Jacobum Calliam  ,  f.29/-  t.JUU, (12.iv.1575).
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